The Rilindja Galaxy:

A Journey Through Press and Its Role in Shaping Kosovo's National Consciousness


Njomza Dragusha


Our engagement with the legacy of Rilindja began in 2021, driven by the desire to ground Potpuri within Kosovo’s historical and social context—particularly in a time when no printed press existed in the country. To understand this absence, we had to adopt a very specific method: speaking to people. With no written history of Kosovo’s print media available, oral accounts became our only entry point. Thus, we took on the challenge of documenting this legacy—starting, unavoidably, with Rilindja.
What seemed at first like a straightforward path soon revealed itself to be extraordinarily difficult. Everyone seemed to know something. Everyone had something to say. But the sources—like the story itself—were scattered. Doing this work voluntarily and across borders, between Kosovo and Switzerland, added another layer of difficulty. While we always understood the cultural weight of Rilindja, the deeper we went, the more painful the journey became. It became glaringly clear that the institutional neglect of Rilindja’s history is not only irresponsible but dangerous. There is no coherent archive—neither through institutional cooperation nor through public-private collaboration.

Over the last 20 years, attempts of collaboration around one of Kosovo’s most important cultural institutions have consistently failed. Despite repeated appeals from independent researchers to institutions and political actors, no one has meaningfully acknowledged Rilindja’s legacy. On the contrary, its legacy has been systematically dismantled. The only exception appears to be the National Library of Kosovo, which recently expressed commitment to building a complete digital archive.

Still today, Rilindja remains deeply embedded in the memory of generations. Saying the name evokes visceral responses—warmth, familiarity, longing—as if one were invoking a family member. And yet, there is a widespread resignation: because Rilindja lives in our hearts, we act as though that is enough. But it isn’t.

With this initiative, Potpuri has taken a first step toward assembling a cohesive—though not yet comprehensive—historical account of Rilindja. Our limited resources prevent a deeper excavation, but we hope to illuminate the urgency of reviving Rilindja as a living, public legacy. For Rilindja is not merely a newspaper—it is, above all, a temporal instrument, a lens through which we can feel time itself.

This initiative is only the beginning. Through it, we hope to spark debate and connect those who have long worked—quietly and persistently—to keep Rilindja alive in the cultural pulse of Kosovo, and to pass it on to future generations. Potpuri’s ten-chapter structure offers an accessible yet historically grounded exploration of Rilindja’s development and where it might still be accessed today.

We invite you to join our campaign, #WhereIsRilindja, and take part in shaping the conversation around its legacy. Our long-term goal is to bring together literary and publishing experts, as well as former Rilindja workers, to collectively establish a framework for its continuation—regardless of institutional support. This initiative aims to prove that there is, in fact, knowledge, professionalism, and urgency in Kosovo capable of preserving Rilindja—one of the most important legacies of the 20th century.


Identity Formation Through Language and Print
The modern formation of Kosovo is deeply linked to the institutionalization of the Albanian language across Albanian-speaking regions in the Balkans. Until the early 20th century, Kosovo remained under Ottoman rule, during which time Albanian-language education and cultural expression were largely suppressed. The push for Albanian national identity and linguistic unity gained momentum during the Albanian National Awakening (Rilindja Kombëtare Shqiptare), a cultural and political movement that spanned from 1830 to 1912. This movement sought to develop a unified literary language, promote education in Albanian, and foster a distinct national consciousness after centuries of Ottoman domination.

A pivotal moment in this process occurred at the Congress of Manastir in 1908, where Albanian leaders officially adopted the Latin alphabet—a crucial decision that helped solidify Albanian linguistic and cultural identity and marked a clear break from Ottoman and other regional influences.

Following the Balkan Wars and during World War I, under Austro-Hungarian occupation, Albanian schools were opened in several major centers of Kosovo. These institutions played a significant role in expanding the use of the Albanian language in literature and education, moving beyond the rich tradition of oral folk culture that had long served as one of the main artistic and cultural expressions of the people in the region.

At the beginning of the 20th century, most writers in Kosovo still published in Turkish, with only a few choosing to write in Albanian. Among the early figures who did was Haxhi Ymer Lutfi Paçarrizi, a Muslim cleric known for his political and philosophical writings. He published during the 1920s in the Socialist Fexhri (Agimi Socialist) journal based in Skopje.

Another important literary figure of this period was Hilmi Maliqi, who wrote in a similar style and is recognized as the father of modern poetry among Kosovar Albanians. His influence extended to his student, Shaip Zurnaxhiu, who also contributed to the early development of Albanian literature in Kosovo.

In the 1930s, the first generation of Albanian students in Kosovo began to emerge, many of whom would go on to contribute significantly to Albanian literature and political thought before and after World War II. Among them were Esad Mekuli, Hivzi Sulejmani, Mark Krasniqi, Ramiz Sadiku, and Ali Shukriu. Notably, Mark Krasniqi also wrote in Albanian and served as editor of the student magazine Ylli, which was published at the Catholic Seminary of Prizren from the late 1930s into the early 1940s.



The development of the Albanian-language press in Kosovo is closely tied to the revolutionary and class liberation movements of the time, particularly through the ideological framework of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. In 1938, the Provincial Committee of the Party made a significant step by issuing its first proclamation in Albanian, appealing to Albanians, Serbs, and Montenegrins to unite in a shared struggle.

However, it was only during the National Liberation War (World War II) and the People’s Revolution that the Albanian-language press in Kosovo truly came into its own. This period saw the emergence of the first tracts, newspapers, and magazines written in Albanian, including Liria, Zani i Popullit, and Zani. The first official publication of the National Liberation War, Liria (Sloboda), began in mid-1942 as an anti-fascist paper carrying the slogan: “The fight against the occupier and his tools is the only way to ensure national freedom.”

While communist partisans were the dominant force behind this press, they were not the only movement active in the region. Various Albanian political groups—such as the Second League of Prizren, Balli Kombëtar, and Besa Kombëtare—also resisted fascist occupation, though many opposed the return of Kosovo under Serbian or Yugoslav control. Despite differing ideologies, these groups shared the goal of preventing Kosovo’s reintegration into a centralized Yugoslavia.

In contrast, the Yugoslav partisans, through publications like Zani i Popullit (Glas Naroda)—issued in both Albanian and Serbo-Croatian—used language as a strategic tool to promote their political vision. By fostering Albanian-language journalism, they sought not only to mobilize Albanians in the anti-fascist struggle but also to symbolically include them within the communist Yugoslav project. Language became a means of political integration—presented as a guarantee of ethnic equality, even as the underlying goal was to re-establish Yugoslav and Serbian control over the region.

By 1943, Zani – Glas continued this publishing legacy until it was replaced in August of that year by a renewed version of Liria, which remained active throughout 1944. These publications—alongside posters, proclamations, bulletins, and other propaganda materials—played a key role in shaping wartime consciousness and promoting the ideology of the partisan movement. As German troops gradually withdrew from the region, Kosovo fell under the control of partisan forces culminating in full occupation by November 1944. This transition reinstated Serbian rule, sparking resistance such as the Drenica Uprising, led by Shaban Polluzha, and events like the Massacre of Tivar.

Outside the partisan press, Albanian-language newspapers such as Lidhja e Dytë e Prizrenit and Kosova were also published between 1943 and 1944, reflecting alternative political voices, though little is known about their content today.

Consequently, on the initiative of Miladin Popović, who was responsible for the Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ)—a regional branch of the KPJ that operated in Kosovo during and after World War II—the first issue of Rilindja was founded on February 12, 1945, in Prizren, at Gjuro Jakšić Street No. 17. It was established as the Organ of the National Liberation Front, printed in Albanian, alongside Jedinstvo, which was published in Serbo-Croatian.

The Birthing of Rilindja The name Rilindja was chosen through collective deliberation during a meeting of political and social leaders at Hotel Jugosllavia in Prishtina. Multiple alternatives were discussed before Rilindja was ultimately selected as the title for Kosovo’s first Albanian-language newspaper in the aftermath of World War II—though it was certainly not the first Albanian newspaper, as it is often inaccurately framed.

The directive to publish the paper within a week came shortly after ‘liberation’. Despite lacking trained personnel, proper working conditions, printing machinery, and sufficient Albanian lead type, the instruction was non-negotiable. Milladin Popovici, then secretary of the Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (PKJ) for Kosovo and Metohija, emphasized that all challenges had to be overcome immediately and that new cadres had to be formed without delay.

The Agitprop department of the Regional Committee was assigned to lead the initiative. Kolë Shiroka, Esad Mekuli, and Sokol Dobroshi played central roles in content development, translating texts from Serbo-Croatian into Albanian.

News was collected from Yugoslav, Italian, and other wartime fronts through radio broadcasts and prior experience in partisan bulletin production. However, local news from within Kosovo remained scarce due to a lack of field reporters and organized infrastructure.

The first issue featured a lead article by Fadil Hoxha titled «T’i përvishemi punës…», a long piece by Esad Mekuli titled « Përshendetjet e popullsisë shqiptare të Kosmotit për përgjegjen burrnore të popujve të Jugosllavisë me rastin e mësymjes së reakcionit kunder marrëveshjes Tito-Shubashiq » an article by Mehmet Hoxha titled « Pushteti popullor », and another contribution by Mekuli—this time under the pseudonym Sat Hoxha—titled « Edhe grueja jonë hec drejt përparimit…» Other reports covered humanitarian efforts, youth mobilization for the National Liberation Army, and the opening of Prishtina’s first public library. Fadil Hoxha’s article delayed the printing of the newspaper due to his involvement against resistance operations in Drenica and elsewhere in Kosovo. On its first issue Rilindja came in total with 14 articles, which did not have any photos or illustrations.

With content finalized, the materials were transported to Prizren, where the only Albanian typefaces available were housed at the Shtypshkronja Shtetërore. There, the first issue was printed under the direction of Kolë Lekaj, Skënder Lumezi, Sebë Laci, Beqir Driza, Slobodan Petroviqi, Reshat Arapi, Mile Dishleko, Margarita Mjeda Shukriu, and Kolë Lumezi—among the first generation of graphic workers in postwar Kosovo.

Still in partisan uniforms, the team worked entirely by hand using only four boxes of Albanian lead type and two small typewriters. Due to a lack of headline-sized letters, the first two pages were typeset and printed, the type dismantled, and reused for the remaining pages. The letter “Ë” proved particularly difficult and often had to be modified manually. Sebë Laci and Beqir Driza were especially known for their speed and skill in typesetting.

Each team member handled multiple roles—editorial, logistical, and technical—to ensure that Rilindja was not only published, but delivered. From content creation to physical distribution, the launch of Rilindja marked a pivotal moment for Albanian-language media in Kosovo. The first issue was printed in 3,000 copies.

The Founding Mission of Rilindja
After the decision to publish Rilindja, one of the first challenges was the lack of a professional staff. There were no trained journalists for the newspaper; instead, contributors were selected from among cadres already burdened with other responsibilities with the anti-fascist movement. They wrote after hours, often late at night, meeting deadlines on top of their regular political or administrative duties.

Despite these constraints, Rilindja was launched. With literacy rates still low in postwar Kosovo, its articles were frequently read aloud in villages and workers’ collectives, serving as collective platforms for information, ideological education, and mobilization.

From the outset, the newspaper served as a tool of the socialist state, promoting the vision of the new Yugoslavia—a federation of equal nations and nationalities, free from oppression. It sought to popularize the new people’s government, rooted in the Communist Party, and to consolidate the ideological narrative of the antifascist struggle.

Rilindja aligned itself closely with the dominant political agenda. It condemned fascist occupation and consistently framed resistance within the terms of the broader Yugoslav project. In its initial years articles reported on the mobilization of the population, the exposure of collaborators, the disarmament of armed groups, and the seizure of their assets. Alongside this, the newspaper covered topics such as agrarian reform, postwar reconstruction, army provisioning, and assistance to families affected by war—especially the families of fallen partisans and displaced communities.

On 29 November 1945, the newspaper marked the proclamation of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia as a pivotal moment. It portrayed the event not only as a state milestone, but as a victory for Rilindja itself—celebrating it as the first time Albanians in Kosovo could participate in a democratic system with formal voting rights.
While Rilindja emerged as a symbol of the new political order, its role was not neutral. It was an organ of ideological transmission and a builder of consensus, aligned with the state’s narrative of communist transformation—supporting unity, but often excluding space for dissent or alternative perspectives.

What were the three main agendas on the ground?

  • Rilindja’s Fight Against Illiteracy in Kosovo

In the aftermath of World War II, Kosovo faced staggering levels of illiteracy—an estimated 90% of its population could neither read nor write. Recognizing this as a major barrier to development, Rilindja became an early and vocal advocate in the national campaign to combat illiteracy.

One of the most symbolic steps in this effort came in November 1946, when 5,000 copies of the Albanian Alphabet Book (Abetarja) were published in 58 pages at the state press house (Shtypshkronja Shtetërore). Just two months later, on January 23, 1946, Rilindja published the article “Analfabetizmi asht anmiku i popullit” (“Illiteracy is the enemy of the people”), reporting that over 20,000 people in Kosovo were already enrolled in anti-illiteracy courses. This campaign quickly grew into what became known as the first major wave of educational and cultural mobilization in Kosovo.

By the 1949/50 school year, Albanian-language education was being provided in 727 schools, serving 168,996 pupils with the support of 1,095 teachers. Across Kosovo, efforts to eradicate illiteracy were taking place at an unprecedented scale. A total of 2,485 anti-illiteracy courses were running across the province, enrolling more than 52,000 participants—including men and women of all ages, many of whom were picking up a pencil for the first time. Teachers, intellectuals, and volunteers played a central role in this mass educational movement, many of them coming also from Albania.

Rilindja actively supported this movement not just through editorial advocacy but by consistently reporting on the progress of literacy courses. Dozens—perhaps even hundreds—of articles covered local efforts, teacher involvement, and community engagement, keeping the campaign in public focus and giving visibility to the work being done in villages and towns alike.
Despite the progress, challenges remained, particularly in primary education. In the 1945/46 school year, of the 25,302 enrolled students, only 12,213 completed the year. The following year, 45,692 students were registered, with 26,157 continuing regularly and passing their grade. By 1947/48, out of 51,225 registered, only 17,421 remained enrolled by the end of the first quarter. Rilindja addressed this directly in an article published on April 14, 1948, noting that many Albanian families had not been adequately informed that enrollment alone was not enough—children also had to attend school consistently.

The first students of the Higher Pedagogical School in Prishtina ("Rilindja" dated July 16, 1959)

A landmark moment in Albanian-language education came in 1958, when the Prishtina High School graduated its first cohort of Albanian students. Of the 24 students, two were female, and the majority came from districts across the province—though none, notably, from Prishtina itself—marking a turning point in the educational emancipation of Albanians in Kosovo.

  • The First Course for Journalists

In the summer of 1949, a decision was made by Rilindja to organize the first course for young journalists, particularly those working in the field. Since Prishtina lacked a suitable space and enough staff to lead the course, it was moved to Graçanica. Invitations were sent out in advance, and participants arrived from—some traveling from Gjakova and Prizren, by truck, cart, or other available transport. In Graçanica, the former monks' quarters were used to accommodate them. The course included daily lectures, covering the basic principles of journalism. Over several days, the participants received introductory theoretical training meant to prepare them for work in the press, thus setting the initial ground for journalism to develop in Kosovo.




  • Rilindja and the women

The year 1947 was marked by numerous efforts to build a new way of life and reshape social relations among people and communities. One of the most significant movements that year was the campaign to eliminate the use of the veil and to challenge religious practices, particularly in Kosovo and other regions with Muslim populations. On May 29, 1947, Rilindja published a detailed report from a gathering of Kosovo’s Hoxhallars and Shehlers. In a resolution focused on the development of Muslim Albanian women in Kosovo and Metohija, they called on all Muslim Albanians to fully support the unveiling campaign. The resolution urged them to explain to their women how this initiative aligned with national and state interests, and how deeply these interests contrasted with the outdated customs of the past. Through the late 1940s—especially from 1948 to 1950—Rilindja continued to highlight the importance of breaking with backward traditions. It persistently advocated for the eradication of practices such as blood feuds, child marriages, and harmful superstitions, viewing them as major obstacles to progress and social reform. Later, Rilindja continued to place particular focus on the employment of women within its organization.

The Press Embodied: Self-Organized Rilindja



In the beginning, RILINDJA was a four-page newspaper with limited copies, hand-folded in Prizren. The first issue took 72 hours to prepare. Its first sixty issues were printed at the state printing house in Prizren, while issue 61 and subsequent editions were typeset and printed in Prishtina—initially at the Provincial Printing House of the Popular Front, and later within the Rilindja publishing house. Rilindja was initially a weekly newspaper. Until June 27, 1948, it was published in four pages, and then it began to appear twice a week—on Thursdays and Sundays—continuing this format until 1957.

Rilindja’s transformation into a self-governing institution reflected the broader political and economic shift in Yugoslavia after its 1948 break from the Soviet Union. Isolated from the Eastern Bloc, Yugoslavia under Tito developed a unique model of decentralized socialism based on workers’ self-management. Within this system, enterprises—including media institutions—were managed by workers' councils, aiming to promote democracy, productivity, and national equality.

For Rilindja, this model became central following the passage of the 1950 law that allowed factories and institutions to be transferred to workers’ management. Though political and economic conditions in Kosovo were difficult, Rilindja's staff embraced the model as a means to participate in both production and editorial decision-making. Editors, journalists, and technical staff took part in workplace self-governing bodies, shaping decisions across social, political, and cultural life.

The struggle for socialist transformation unfolded under extremely challenging circumstances. In agriculture, for example, efforts to establish cooperatives yielded limited results. Within this context, a quiet yet ongoing conflict emerged between ‘progressive forces advocating self-management and entrenched bureaucratic structures. In such a climate, transforming a newspaper into a meaningful tool of the working class—dedicated to democratization, national equality, and socialist unity—was no easy task.

In 1958, Gazeta Rilindja moved to Prishtina, to a building that once served as a district prison. On 29th of November of the same year it was published as a daily newspaper, except on Fridays. Ymer Pula served as director, and Asllan Fazliu as editor-in-chief. Publishing a daily newspaper under these conditions in Kosovo was a bold and difficult endeavor. It was only through the unwavering belief in the necessity and impact of an Albanian-language daily press that the immense personnel, technical, financial, and organizational challenges were overcome. At the time the daily edition was launched, the team reportedly operated with just two or three typewriters.

On May 3, 1961, Rilindja began publishing daily, coinciding with Tito’s visit to Kosovo. By 1975, the paper had expanded to 16 pages. Eventually, it grew to 20–24 pages, and occasionally even more. The average daily circulation was approximately 50,000 copies, with festive editions reaching up to 250,000.

Initially, under its first statute, six OTHPBs (Basic Organizations of United Work) were established. On May 29, 1979, through a public referendum, workers approved the integration of the commercial-book enterprise "Rilindja" into the broader organization. This brought the total number of OTHPBs within Rilindja to seven.
On February 12, 1985, RILINDJA was formally celebrated as the full Publishing-Printing and Graphic Working Organization RILINDJA. Within this working structure, regular activities were carried out by the following seven basic units:

  1. OTHPB of the Editorial Board "Rilindja" – political news and daily reporting
  2. OTHPB of Journals – publishing cultural, educational, and youth magazines such as Jeta e Re, Pionieri, Kosovarja, Shkëndija, and others
  3. OTHPB of Voice of Youth – focused on political and social issues concerning young people
  4. OTHPB of the Editorial Board of Publications – focused on books, literature, and translations
  5. OTHPB Typography – the largest unit, managing high-volume and high-quality print production
  6. OTHPB of Wholesale, Retail, Export and Import – distribution of books, textbooks, and supplies through over 40 bookstores in Kosovo and the region
  7. OTHPB Sales and Economic Propaganda – overseeing retail operations and press distribution through more than 350 kiosks


All these organizations, through self-governing agreements, formed a working partnership to carry out professional tasks of common interest.

This organizational growth was supported by a combination of public funding and increasing self-generated income. Between 1981 and 1984, Rilindja’s revenues more than doubled—from 1.5 billion to nearly 4 billion dinars—reflecting its expanding scope in both journalism and commercial activity. Despite mounting economic pressures, the self-governance model allowed Rilindja to become the most influential Albanian-language media institution in Yugoslavia, deeply embedded in the public sphere and everyday life in Kosovo.

RILINDJA initiated and hosted multiple other newspapers and magazines dedicated to culture, literature, arts, education, science, agriculture, children, youth, and women. Among others, these included PËRPARIMІ (Progress), JETA E RE (New Life), FJALA (Word), SHKËNDIJA (Sparkle), ZËRI I RINISË (Voice of Youth), PIONIERI (Pioneer), KOSOVARJA (Kosovo Woman), BAT (Basis of Technical Education), GEP (Pioneers' Newspaper), BUJKU (The Farmer), and the humorous magazine THUMBI (Thorn).

Over the years, a significant printing industry also developed alongside RILINDJA. By the mid-1980s, under its umbrella and that of its integrated predecessors, more than 3,200 titles in the Albanian language were published, totaling approximately 13 million printed copies.

Parallel to journalistic development, the Working Organization RILINDJA cultivated a robust graphic production capacity. Its printing plant was equipped with advanced machinery and facilities. By the mid-1980s, the organization employed around 1,300 people, nearly half of whom were graphic workers—many of them highly skilled professionals. Through its publishing and graphic output, RILINDJA played a pivotal role in the cultural development of Albanians in Kosovo from the earliest years of postwar reconstruction.


The Construction of the Rilindja Press Palace



The idea for a large-scale Press Palace to house Rilindja began in the 1960s, reflecting both the newspaper’s rapid growth and Yugoslavia’s broader investment in modern socialist infrastructure under the "Brotherhood and Unity" campaign and the motto “destroy the old to create the new.” With direct advocacy by Rilindja’s workers at the highest levels of Yugoslav institutions, serious planning began in 1970 with the formation of a special expert group tasked with developing the project and securing financial backing.

The foundation stone was laid in 1972, but due to funding shortages, construction paused and resumed in late 1973. The project envisioned a facility that would serve not only the needs of press and publishing but also broader cultural and public functions in Prishtina. It drew inspiration and guidance from major publishing houses across Yugoslavia, including Vjesnik (Zagreb), Borba and Politika (Belgrade), Dnevnik (Novi Sad), and others.

The Press Palace was conceived as a long-term investment, envisioned to serve the development of journalism and graphic production in Kosovo for at least the next 50 years. After detailed program reviews and adjustments—including input from leading architects—a revised and approved model was submitted for construction.

The building was designed by the renowned Macedonian architect, educator, and author Georgi Konstantinovski (b. July 29, 1930). A graduate of the Faculty of Architecture at the University of. Cyril and Methodius in Skopje (1956), he earned a Master’s degree in Architecture from Yale University in 1965. Known for his early Brutalist work, Konstantinovski completed over 450 architectural and urban design projects, each characterized by a personalized balance of structure, function, and artistic vision.

At the time of its construction, the Rilindja building was the tallest structure in Prishtina’s expanding city center. It housed the editorial offices of three newspapers in three languages: Rilindja (Albanian), Jedinstvo (Serbo-Croatian), and Tan (Turkish), symbolizing the multicultural context it served. Konstantinovski was commissioned for the project in 1972, following his acclaimed work on the City Archive and the Goce Delčev student dormitory.

He was particularly drawn to the Rilindja project for its vertical scale—a building type he found compelling. His goal was to humanize modernist architecture by taking into account both the scale of the human body and psychological reactions to form and space. In doing so, he distanced himself from the objectivity of Bauhaus functionalism and the International Style, instead pursuing a subjective, experiential approach. The design featured vertically arranged windows set deep into the concrete frame, forming a rhythmic, modular system—rooted not in standard industrial dimensions but in context-specific architectural logic.

Konstantinovski believed architecture could serve as a transformative social force. Unlike many of his modernist peers who pursued collective transformation, he sought change through a distinctive personal vocabulary rooted in material honesty and emotional resonance.

The building phase advanced significantly in 1974, with the project covering over 50,000 m², spanning a footprint of 120 x 190 meters, and eventually reaching 18 floors (87 meters in height). It became one of the largest and most technologically advanced printing facilities in Yugoslavia. By 1976, Rilindja’s printing and press departments had begun moving in and installing imported graphic equipment. Training skilled workers to operate this modern machinery became a priority for Rilindja. Specialized programs and scholarships were launched in Belgrade, Prishtina, and abroad to develop technical and editorial staff in line with contemporary standards.

By March 1978, the editorial tower officially opened, housing all of Rilindja’s departments—editorial offices in Albanian as well as independent editorial units. By 1982, following the integration of its book trade network, Rilindja had expanded its workforce to over 1,200 employees, doubling its numbers from a decade earlier.

Financially, Rilindja’s growth was equally impressive. Gross income increased from 83 million dinars in 1972 to over 2 billion dinars by 1982. The total investment in the Press Palace reached 356 million dinars, financed through a combination of bank loans, state support, external sources, and internal contributions from Rilindja’s employees.

Nicknamed “a city under one roof,” the Rilindja Press Palace became more than a media hub—it stood as a symbol of Kosovo’s cultural, professional, and industrial modernization.

The 1990s: Rilindja under Siege
The 1990s marked the most repressive and politically violent decade in Rilindja’s history. Once the cornerstone of Albanian-language journalism and publishing in Kosovo, Rilindja became a central target of Serbia’s campaign to suppress Kosovo’s autonomy and dismantle its Albanian-led institutions. Following the revocation of Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989 by Slobodan Milošević and the rise of Serbian nationalism, pressure on Albanian institutions intensified rapidly. On July 2, 1990, under curfew and surrounded by Serbian military forces, 114 Albanian and minority delegates of the Kosovo Assembly issued the Constitutional Declaration of Independence. Rilindja stood firmly with this declaration, both symbolically and editorially. The July 2 edition of Rilindja carried the headline: “The Assembly of Kosovo belongs to the people and decisions can only be made in it according to the will and demands of the people.” The next day, July 3, Rilindja published the article “Kosovo was declared an independent and equal subject in Yugoslavia,” framing the declaration not only as a legal-political act but as an expression of national will. Titles such as “The beginning of tomorrow” and “Only through dialogue for the future Yugoslavia” appeared alongside reports of widespread public support, protests, and union backing.

But this editorial stance came at a cost.

On July 5, 1990, Serbian forces forcibly shut down Radio Television of Pristina, and within a month, moved to silence Rilindja. On August 8, 1990, Serbian police raided the Press Palace—the towering Rilindja headquarters in Prishtina. A curfew was imposed on the newsroom, and the daily publication was officially banned after its staff rejected Belgrade’s demand to declare the paper the “official organ of the Serbian Parliament.” Rilindja refused. The July 6 editorial, titled “Classic Occupation,” was a bold, public rejection of Serbian attempts to co-opt the newspaper. Editor-in-chief Nazmi Misini and the entire staff stood in defiance—none agreed to serve the occupying authorities. In the wake of the ban, the Rilindja team was expelled from its building, and the institution was stripped of its legal status. But the journalists quickly reorganized. On January 18, 1991, they revived the agricultural weekly Bujku, transforming it into a de facto continuation of Rilindja under a new name to circumvent the ban. Although Bujku was officially licensed, it carried the editorial tone, staff, and spirit of Rilindja. This period also saw further resistance.



Picture from Ilaz Bylykbashi

In 1993, after Serbian authorities attempted to rename the Rilindja publishing house to “Panorama” and install a Serbian director, the editorial team organized a hunger strike inside the Press Palace. Led by Adem Demaçi and supported by dozens of journalists, the strike lasted over a week. The hunger strike ended without victory, but the staff continued publishing through the founding of Bujku on January 18, 1991, facing constant censorship, threats, and interruptions. Issues were prepared in private homes and printed clandestinely—even while Serbian snipers fired on the Press Palace. Despite the situation in Kosovo, Rilindja did not cease to exist abroad. In 1992, a team moved to Aarau, Switzerland, where Rilindja in Exile was launched. Closely collaborating with Bujku in Kosovo, the same content was published and distributed. Rilindja in Aarau printed around 12,000 copies daily, which were circulated throughout Europe, the U.S., and Australia. Its purpose was to keep the Albanian diaspora informed about developments in Kosovo and to engage the international community—serving as a vital source of news and advocacy. Rilindja in Aarau continued until 1996. In the meantime Rilindja was operating from Tirana, Albania. Despite these harsh conditions, Rilindja’s team in Kosovo and abroad continued publishing until the final days before NATO’s intervention in March 1999.

Rilindja After the Kosovo War
Following the end of the war in Kosovo in 1999, the newspaper Rilindja—once the most influential Albanian-language publication in Yugoslavia—briefly resumed its daily publication. It reappeared on June 12, 1999, the same day NATO troops entered Kosovo, marking a symbolic return of a free Albanian press after nearly a decade of violent suppression. However, Rilindja’s post-war revival soon collided with the realities of Kosovo’s economic transition and international administration.

Under UNMIK Regulation 1999/1, all public property registered in the name of the former Yugoslav state or its institutions was transferred to international trusteeship. Rilindja, as a socially owned enterprise, came under the management of the newly formed Kosovo Trust Agency (KTA) in 2002, based on UNMIK Regulation 2002/12. The KTA was tasked with administering and ultimately privatizing such enterprises. In practice, however, this internationally led privatization process was fraught with confusion over ownership, legal ambiguity, and exclusion of local stakeholders—including Rilindja’s workers.

On February 21, 2002, UNMIK abruptly shut off electricity to the Rilindja Press Palace and sealed the building with iron grilles. Journalists were forcibly expelled, though many refused to resign. The daily newspaper ceased publication, but its editorial team continued producing special and protest issues occasionally—particularly during moments of national significance, like the 2008 declaration of independence of Kosovo.

Privatization of Kosovo’s socially owned enterprises became the central economic strategy imposed by UNMIK and the EU's Pillar IV, despite widespread criticism. Decisions were made externally, often without consulting Kosovo’s institutions or public. Rilindja’s case was no exception. The Kosovo Privatization Agency (KPA), which succeeded the KTA in 2008, placed Rilindja’s graphic enterprise into liquidation in 2014, followed by the Rilindja newspaper enterprise (gazeta) in 2017. Rather than revitalizing Kosovo’s publishing infrastructure, this process reduced Rilindja to an administrative file awaiting asset sales and creditor settlements.

In the meantime, the Press Palace underwent a radical architectural transformation, converted into a generic government office building—an example of turbo-architecture clad in glass and shine—completely losing the identity of the original structure. As Konstantinovski himself noted during a 2014 visit: "I don’t recognize it anymore."

In 2014, the government expropriated the Press Palace to accommodate state institutions, where the following ministries are now located: Ministria e Punëve të Brendshme, Ministria e Drejtësisë, Ministria e Administrimit të Pushtetit Lokal, and Ministria e Mjedisit, Planifikimit Hapësinor dhe Infrastrukturës. By 2022, the building was transferred from the KPA to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. This liquidation process was not a privatization in the traditional sense but rather an administrative closure, during which former employees became creditors with rights to a portion of the assets.

Ironically, by 2021, the Kosovo Privatization Agency had moved its offices into the very rooms that once housed Rilindja’s printing presses. While the building was repurposed, Rilindja’s workers were left behind—legally entitled to 20% of the value of the enterprise under privatization law, but still unpaid years after the funds were allocated. Former workers have repeatedly filed lawsuits in the Special Chamber of the Supreme Court to claim their rights, including 20% of the enterprise value and recognition of their work experience during the occupation, during which some now retire on only 100 euros. For many former workers, the battle is not just about legal rights, but about the dignity of an institution that once embodied the collective will of a nation in struggle.


Rilindja Under the Responsibility of the Ministry of Culture: Centered around the Founding of the Museum of Contemporary Art of Kosovo

The current Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports, Hajrullah Çeku, has initiated and invested more than any other minister in the conservation of heritage—this seems to be a fact. While his cultural strategy emphasizes the establishment of sustainable institutions, this approach, as observed so far, has failed to incorporate a sustainable perspective across the broader social, cultural, architectural and artistic context of Kosovo.

An example of such large institutional investment in culture as a sustainable approach was the initiation of Manifesta 14 Prishtina, in collaboration with the Municipality of Prishtina and under the initiative of Yll Rugova, then Director of Culture in Prishtina. The Ministry launched this project as a method for revitalizing urban spaces and supporting the establishment of a Museum of Contemporary Art in Kosovo. However, these visions were short-lived, as the Manifesta Foundation held a stronger and clearer vision of what was needed in Kosovo. The Foundation appropriated the local discourse around public space but failed to deliver any tangible or sustainable results.

Instead of supporting the creation of a Museum of Contemporary Art—which arguably would have been within their expertise and could have resulted in something more sustainable—Manifesta 14 Prishtina established the Center for Narrative Practice as an institutional legacy at the premises of the former Hivzi Sylejmani Library. While the center was intended to incorporate literary practices, its broader focus was on an inclusive, interdisciplinary approach to community engagement and artistic expression—reflecting a typical trend of neoliberal artistic organizations in the last decade, particularly in the imperial context of Western organizations operating in Kosovo.

The funding of this center—intended to establish a sustainable institution—cost Kosovo hundreds of thousands of euros. After the conclusion of the Manifesta Biennale, various independent individuals from Kosovo’s artistic community, in collaboration with the Ministry of Culture and the Municipality of Prishtina, instrumentalized the initiative and disregarded critical voices that had warned of its unsustainable managerial approach. Barely a year after the Biennale, skepticism surrounding the managing direction of the center proved to be accurate, where the center was closed and remains unfunctional.

Following the end of Manifesta 14 Prishtina, Kosovo’s institutions—particularly the Ministry of Culture—appeared to acknowledge that no sustainable outcome would result from the Manifesta 14 Prishtina. Consequently, they shifted their focus to the international visibility Manifesta had given to Kosovo and its perceived impact on the art scene, while remaining diplomatically silent in public.

This momentum was used to organize the first public conference announcing the Museum of Contemporary Art of Kosovo—once again initiated and led by Yll Rugova. The event aimed to involve the broader community and the artistic circles connected to Manifesta 14 in an open discussion. Though the initiative was novel in 2022, the conference itself was unstructured and chaotic, offering the illusion of public engagement while, from an external perspective, functioning more as a performance—a spectacle of institutional tokenism.

Nevertheless, by October 2023, the Ministry appeared more decisive, through a public event making an announcement that clarified how and by whom the museum would be led.

Where they stated:

The museum has been an idea initiated 23 years ago, and for the past 17 years, the country has undertaken various initiatives to build it, all of which have failed. The Museum of Contemporary Art is an institution of great importance for the culture of Kosovo, especially for the visual arts. From the earliest initiatives in the 1970s to more recent plans for constructing a new building, the last two decades have been marked by continuous challenges that have prevented the establishment of such an institution.

The Initiating Council for the Museum of Contemporary Art was established by decision of Minister Hajrulla Çeku from the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports in Pristina on May 31, 2022 (No. 75/2022). Its members include: Yll Rugova (Chair), Petrit Halilaj, Flaka Haliti, Sislej Xhafa, Erëmirë Krasniqi, Zake Prelvukaj, Nita Salihu Hoxha, Valdete Pacolli, and Fisnik Abazi, as the representative of MCYS. Non-voting member: Rozafa Imami (MCYS); Secretary: Arbenita Nuza (MCYS).

Yll Rugova further stated that the team has held regular meetings, organized workshops, and worked in teams. As a result, the call for applications for the architectural phase of the building is planned to be announced in June 2024, with construction expected to begin by August 2025.

Three locations have been considered for the construction of the Museum of Contemporary Art. In this public announcement, it was stated that the Rilindja ex-printing house remains the most desired location. However, as it was under the ownership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs at the time, the final decision is pending confirmation, said Minister of Culture Hajrulla Çeku in 2023.

In December 2023, the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports published on its official website the concept document outlining the founding vision for the Museum of Contemporary Art of Kosovo, under the name RILINDJA.

Within this concept document, it is stated

"After many discussions within the Initiating Council of the Museum of Contemporary Art of Kosovo, with experts in architecture, urban planning, and the fields of art and culture, we have reached the decision that the former Rilindja Printing House will be appropriated as the building for the Museum of Contemporary Art of Kosovo."
They also further wrote that ‘’over the past two decades, the former Rilindja printing house has undergone various functional changes that have caused significant structural and façade damage. The new Museum of Contemporary Art of Kosovo (MABK), planned within this historic building, aims to preserve and critically build upon its legacy as a monument of national importance. As a hybrid institution, MABK will not only collect and exhibit contemporary art but also function as a central hub for the country’s movable cultural heritage—supporting archiving, conservation, staff training, and restoration. Continuing Rilindja’s tradition as a space of intersecting and contested narratives, the museum will serve as a platform for critical reflection through contemporary artistic practices.’’

Whereas for specific collaborations regarding the historical activity of Rilindja, within their concept document they only mention collaborators such as "Arkivi Rilindja" for the infrastructural memory of the museum building. They wrote that ‘’this space will be unlike any other within MABK, clearly indicating at the entrance that it represents a historical reflection of the building. The Rilindja archive collection initiatives will be integrated to create a new synergy in revealing the history of the building and the most important cultural institution that once functioned there.’’ They also mention the initiative "Hapësira" as one that has used the Rilindja premises for organizing rave parties, which they plan to include in the museum's program.

However, regarding any public discussion or involvement of individuals and professionals from the literary and publishing community, no direct steps have been taken so far. This includes the initiatives they claim to involve, such as Arkivi Rilindja, whose founder, Ervina Halili, has stated that she was never consulted or contacted by the ministry or any other person involved in the process of selecting Rilindja as the museum’s location. In a personal conversation with the museum’s commissioner, Yll Rugova, I was told that their interest in using Rilindja stems from the desire to prevent the infrastructure from being turned into office spaces again and to ensure it remains accessible to the public.

Meanwhile, conversations with private researchers and former Rilindja workers vary. Some researchers express cautious support for the initiative, noting that they would rather see something done—however small—than nothing at all. In contrast, many literary critics, writers, and former Rilindja employees consider the decision to locate the Museum of Contemporary Art in the Rilindja building offensive, particularly because no one from their community was consulted. If any consultation took place, it has not been made publicly accessible. Furthermore, no professionals with expertise in Rilindja’s historical or cultural significance have been included in the museum’s initiating committee. The working group of the concept document of the Museum called as “Contexts of Architecture,” which includes Valdete Pacolli and Sislej Xhafa (with external advisors Yehuda Safran, Alenka Gregorič, Jernej Šipoš, and Boris Matić), does not include anyone with a professional background capable of addressing the implications of placing the Museum of Contemporary Art within the Rilindja premises—especially considering that the state of Kosovo has yet to formally recognize Rilindja’s profound impact on society.

When I addressed these concerns to the current museum director, Arlinda Hajrullahu, she stated that the ministry plans to launch a call in February 2025 inviting researchers and architects to document the history of Rilindja’s architecture, she also claimed that the remaining machinery of Rilindja’s printing house will be included within the premises of the museum, with the intention to showcase the existence of Rilindja within the facilities. However, she acknowledged that a deeper investigation into Rilindja’s cultural activity—arguably the oldest such initiative in Kosovo—has not been planned. As of now, this call has not been published in any official page.

In the meantime, what has been published is the call for the museum’s logo—an initiative that concluded in controversy, as the selected logo was widely criticized for being plagiarized rather than an original creation. Nevertheless, within this call the ministry has decided not to name the museum after Rilindja, but refer to it as only the Museum of Contemporary Arts of Kosovo.

As the former printing annexes of Rilindja—currently vacant later planned to be located to MCAK—are now under the protection of the Ministry of Culture as heritage sites, one must ask: under what pretext is this architectural heritage being claimed? It is deeply dualistic and ironic that while the Ministry declares the architecture of Rilindja to hold inherited value for the state of Kosovo, it simultaneously fails to acknowledge the contradiction: if Rilindja’s architecture is indeed of such significance, then why is the initiative itself not granted the space, resources, and authority—through its own professionals—to determine how its legacy should be preserved and presented to the public?

And as the proponents of the Museum of Contemporary Art of Kosovo claim the responsibility to carry out that task on behalf of Rilindja’s dignity, one must ask: how have they granted themselves that authority? Is it not paradoxical—even naïve—to assume that a museum whose historical collection begins only in the 1990s can rightfully represent the literary and cultural legacy of Rilindja, which spans over six decades?

Moreover, any discussion of Rilindja’s heritage in relation to the founding of the Museum of Contemporary Art of Kosovo becomes unproductive the moment it devolves into a false binary—debating the legitimacy of one initiative at the expense of the other. The real issue lies elsewhere: the Ministry of Culture has carelessly allowed Rilindja’s legacy to be subsumed into a muddled and incoherent fusion of historical narratives and misaligned professional mandates. In doing so, it has collapsed two profoundly distinct trajectories into a shallow compromise—one seemingly crafted not to honor either, but to deliver just enough symbolic appeasement to deflect responsibility.

The Rilindja Press House
As no institution has yet been established to archive and document the historical development of the press in Kosovo and its impact on the institutionalization of the Albanian language, a crucial part of the country’s identity remains unacknowledged—namely, the press as a foundational tool in shaping national consciousness. Regardless of its political contradictions and flaws, Rilindja stands as Kosovo’s earliest and most enduring cultural initiative in this regard. As Benedict Anderson famously argued, the formation of any nation-state has been contingent upon the emergence of print capitalism—and similarly, in Kosovo’s case, the idea of the nation would have been unimaginable without Rilindja’s role in sustaining a distinct Albanian national identity.

Today, the Rilindja building stands as the epitome of that state formation: wounded, stripped of its aesthetic and material authenticity, yet still symbolically historic. To found the Museum of Contemporary Art on the back of Rilindja’s legacy—without acknowledging its cultural and historical foundation—would constitute the final gesture of institutional negligence. It would mark the moment when Kosovo’s institutions and cultural elite collectively abandoned the linguistic dimension of national identity—the very foundation that enabled the nation-state itself. Instead, what prevails is an escapist modernism, imported from the dominant visual culture of the West and passively adopted across all our institutions: a narrative of progress that erases more than it builds.

Instead of remaining silent or passively accepting this reality, we have chosen—despite the limited impact we may have—to act. We have chosen to speak up rather than quietly accept yet another attempt to make us believe that “something is better than nothing.” Both imaginatively and practically, inspired by Ervina Halili’s call for Rilindja to be funded as the Shtëpia e Librit (House of the Book), we at Potpuri claim the former Rilindja printing annexes as the rightful space for a future House of Press—one that bears the name Rilindja and upholds its legacy with dignity and purpose.

Where is Rilindja?
Here, we have mapped the institutions and independent initiatives that, over the years, have made parts of Rilindja’s legacy accessible to the public—though none offer a complete picture. In line with Potpuri’s mission, we aim to support and/or facilitate future collaborations that could lead to the creation of an initiative dedicated to building a comprehensive, publicly accessible archive of Rilindja’s legacy. 

  • The State Agency of Archives of Kosovo

The State Archive of Kosovo holds the largest collection of Rilindja publications. The archive is open to the public, and any interested individual can access its holdings. According to the institution, Rilindja remains the most requested and widely used research resource in their collection to this day. Furthermore, the archive has announced plans to undertake a full digitization of the Rilindja newspaper archive in the near future.

Below is a list of all Rilindja-related publications for which the archive holds physical copies:
  • Rilindja (1945–1986)
    • Note: The year 1945 is incomplete, but the archive is the only institution that holds the first printed issue of Rilindja.
    • Missing issues: July–November 1967, January–April 1985, June–November 1986.
  • Zëri i Rinisë (1958–1979)
    • Specific volumes only.
  • Përparimi (1946–1970)
    • One volume per year.
    • Missing years: 1949–1955, 1961, 1963–1967.
  • Jeta e Re (1951–1970)
    • Specific volumes.
    • Missing years: 1956–1957.
  • Bota e Re (1970–1970)
    • 1971 missing.
  • Shkëndija (1972–1974)
    • One volume per year.
  • Pionieri (1958–1965)
    • One volume per year.
  • Fjala (1968–1972)
    • One volume per year.
  • BAT (1972)
    • One volume.
  • Jedinstvo (1945–1948)
    • Missing: 1950, 1953–1955, 1960, and 1963.

  • National Library of “Pjetër Bogdani”

The National Library of Kosovo has thousands of issues in its collection and every day different issues are requested by readers in the User Service Division.

To adapt to the needs of today's users, the National Library of Kosovo now offers on the digital platform the digitized newspaper from its first issue to the issue dated March 15, 1983 from the library's collection fund. You can find the digitized newspaper at this link: https://bibliotekadigjitale-ks.org/dashboard

  • Cantonal Library of Aargau

Due to Rilindja’s publishing activity between 1992 and 1996 through the Zofingen printing house in Aarau, Switzerland, the Cantonal Library of Aarau has archived nearly all physical issues from this period within its collection. Following a request from Potpuri Collective to the Department of Education, Culture, and Sport of the Canton of Aarau, the Head of Collection and Archive agreed to support the digitization of this collection. In collaboration with Potpuri Collective, the digitization will take place in the Cantonal Library of Aarau and will later be delivered to the National Library of Kosovo to contribute toward the creation of a complete digital archive of Rilindja.

  • Digital Book Platform – FLOSSK

The project aimed to digitize the Rilindja newspaper through the digitized book platform books.flossk.org.
Within the platform, sporadically scanned copies of Rilindja issues—ranging from 1948 to December 30, 1988—are available online. Similarly, the alternative newspaper known as Bujku, considered a continuation of Rilindja during the 1990s, is also available on the platform, with sporadic scanned copies from January 18, 1991, to December 30, 1998.

  • Independent researchers and private collectors

  1. Rilindja remains one of the least researched initiatives in Kosovo, despite being widely referenced by scholars as the only comprehensive archival source documenting a significant span of the country’s history. The primary researcher dedicated to this legacy is Ervina Halili, who leads Arkivi Rilindja (arkivirilindja.com). Through her work—though not yet fully publicly accessible—she has extensively mapped and documented Rilindja’s activities, collecting material across its many dimensions. Notably, she directly intervened to save the last remaining Rilindja printing machines, which the Kosovo Privatization Agency had intended to sell for scrap metal. These machines are now claimed by the Museum of Contemporary Art of Kosovo. To this day, Ervina Halili remains the leading activist and researcher advocating for the recognition of Rilindja’s cultural and social significance in Kosovo.
  2. Recently, a research project based on personal interviews with former Rilindja workers was conducted by Elisa Maxhuni and Tringa Sefedini. The interviews were published in the format of a newspaper titled “Radhitje në Plumb, Germë për Germë”, as a tribute to the work and legacy of Rilindja.
  3. Many former Rilindja employees and private individuals have preserved sporadic publications and fragments of its legacy—some of whom often appear on television or social media. A public call to gather such materials could still ignite hope for building a richer and more comprehensive archive of Rilindja, especially with the continued support of these individuals.

  • Oral History Kosovo

The Oral History Initiative is a collective of researchers from different generations, nationalities, and areas of expertise. Their mission is to document life stories that intersect with the broader history of Kosovo and global events. Uniquely among similar efforts, the initiative has recorded the personal stories from a significant number of interviews with former Rilindja workers and authors, which are available online at oralhistorykosovo.org.

Under the campaign #WhereIsRilindja and to follow Potpuri’s work in enriching public knowledge around Rilindja and to stay updated on future developments, we invite you to join us in building a space for discussion, transparency, and inclusion. With this platform, we hope to spark the beginning of a more concrete vision for Rilindja—one that secures its rightful place both publicly and institutionally, and the need to have a coherent archive of Rilindja’s legacy accessible to the public. 

Here you can follow future developments related to Rilindja. We will annouce all updates through our social media channels as well. Stay tuned!





Potpuri është një platformë e pavarur botuese dhe iniciativë bashkëpunuese e fokusuar në metodologjitë eksperimentale të kërkimit, gazetarisë investigative dhe prodhimit. Fokusi i procesit të punës së Potpurit është nxitja e metodologjive kolektive në praktikat e botimit për prodhimin e gazetave fizike. Kolektivi Potpuri është i bazuar ndërmjet Kosovës dhe Zvicrës, aktiviteti ynë kërkon tema dhe urgjenca të përbashkëta sociale si ringjallja e shtypit të shkruar në Kosovë, mungesa e hapësirave institucionale reflektuese për diasporën shqiptare në Zvicër, politikat dhe dukuritë sociale nën përvojat migratore, dhe më e rëndësishmja sigurimi i një hapësire mikpritëse për shprehjet e zërave të padëgjuar brenda mjediseve komerciale.
Potpuri is an independent publishing platform and collaborative initiative focused on experimental methodologies of research, investigative journalism and production. The focus of the work-process of Potpuri is the fostering of collective methodologies in publishing practices for the production of physical newspapers. Potpuri collective is based between Kosovo and Switzerland, our activity seeks for common social themes and urgencies such as the revival of printed press in Kosovo, the absence of reflective institutional spaces for the Albanian diaspora in Switzerland, the politics and social phenomena under migratory experiences, and most importantly providing a welcoming space for expressions of voices unheard within commercial settings.
Potpuri ist eine unabhängige Veröffentlichungsplattform und Initiative, die sich auf experimentelle Forschungsmethoden, investigativen Journalismus und Produktion konzentriert. Der Schwerpunkt des Arbeitsprozesses von Potpuri liegt in der Förderung kollektiver Methoden der Verlagspraxis für die Produktion von Zeitungen. Das Potpuri-Kollektiv arbeitet im Kosovo und der Schweiz. Unsere Themen und Dringlichkeiten wie der Wiederbelebung der gedruckten Presse im Kosovo reichen von dem Fehlen reflektierender institutioneller Räume für die albanische Diaspora in der Schweiz und den sozialen Phänomenen der Migrationserfahrungen. Ein Raum für Ausdruck von Stimmen, die in kommerziellen Umgebungen häufig ungehört bleiben.

This edition was produced with the financial support of the European Union, Provitreff Verein and ici. here together. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of NGO Rritu and NAFAKË and does not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union or any other funding body.

           
Potpuri është një platformë e pavarur botuese dhe iniciativë bashkëpunuese e fokusuar në metodologjitë eksperimentale të kërkimit, gazetarisë investigative dhe prodhimit. Fokusi i procesit të punës së Potpurit është nxitja e metodologjive kolektive në praktikat e botimit për prodhimin e gazetave fizike. Kolektivi Potpuri është i bazuar ndërmjet Kosovës dhe Zvicrës, aktiviteti ynë kërkon tema dhe urgjenca të përbashkëta sociale si ringjallja e shtypit të shkruar në Kosovë, mungesa e hapësirave institucionale reflektuese për diasporën shqiptare në Zvicër, politikat dhe dukuritë sociale nën përvojat migratore, dhe më e rëndësishmja sigurimi i një hapësire mikpritëse për shprehjet e zërave të padëgjuar brenda mjediseve komerciale.
Potpuri is an independent publishing platform and collaborative initiative focused on experimental methodologies of research, investigative journalism and production. The focus of the work-process of Potpuri is the fostering of collective methodologies in publishing practices for the production of physical newspapers. Potpuri collective is based between Kosovo and Switzerland, our activity seeks for common social themes and urgencies such as the revival of printed press in Kosovo, the absence of reflective institutional spaces for the Albanian diaspora in Switzerland, the politics and social phenomena under migratory experiences, and most importantly providing a welcoming space for expressions of voices unheard within commercial settings.
Potpuri ist eine unabhängige Veröffentlichungsplattform und Initiative, die sich auf experimentelle Forschungsmethoden, investigativen Journalismus und Produktion konzentriert. Der Schwerpunkt des Arbeitsprozesses von Potpuri liegt in der Förderung kollektiver Methoden der Verlagspraxis für die Produktion von Zeitungen. Das Potpuri-Kollektiv arbeitet im Kosovo und der Schweiz. Unsere Themen und Dringlichkeiten wie der Wiederbelebung der gedruckten Presse im Kosovo reichen von dem Fehlen reflektierender institutioneller Räume für die albanische Diaspora in der Schweiz und den sozialen Phänomenen der Migrationserfahrungen. Ein Raum für Ausdruck von Stimmen, die in kommerziellen Umgebungen häufig ungehört bleiben.

This edition was produced with the financial support of the European Union, Provitreff Verein and ici. here together.
The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of NGO Rritu and NAFAKË and does not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union or any other funding body.

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